Bill 1 and the Future of English Education in Québec
A sweeping constitutional proposal is moving through Québec—and the fine print matters. In a recent conversation on the ShiftED Podcast, Chris Colley sat down with Joe Ortona, chair of the English Montreal School Board and president of the Quebec English School Boards Association, to unpack the implications of Bill 1: the Québec Constitution Act, 2025 (pdf direct download).
At first glance, the bill appears symbolic: Québec proposing to adopt its own constitution. But as Ortona explains, symbolism in law often carries real-world consequences—especially when it intersects with education, minority language rights, and the courts.
What Bill 1 Proposes
Bill 1 would establish a formal Constitution of Québec, alongside two additional pieces of legislation focused on constitutional autonomy and the creation of a constitutional council. The proposed constitution defines the Québec nation, outlines collective rights, and sets out principles for the functioning of government and public institutions. It also asserts that the Québec constitution would be the province’s “law of laws,” taking precedence over inconsistent provincial rules.
Among the principles outlined in the bill:
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French is identified as the only common language of the nation.
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The Québec state is defined as lay (secular).
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The state must protect the collective rights of the Québec nation and its cultural identity.
Supporters argue that these provisions reinforce Québec’s identity and constitutional autonomy. Critics, however, worry about how the new framework could reshape the balance between collective identity and individual rights.
Why Constitutional Limits Still Matter
One of the central points raised in the conversation is the relationship between provincial and federal constitutional authority.
While provinces can pass constitutional-style laws affecting their own institutions, the Canadian Constitution remains the supreme law of the country. Provincial legislation cannot override rights guaranteed under Canada’s Constitution, including protections for minority-language education.
That distinction is crucial. Even if a provincial constitution asserts symbolic primacy within Québec law, federal constitutional protections—particularly those related to minority rights—still apply.
A Major Concern: Access to the Courts
One of the most controversial elements of Bill 1 is a provision that could restrict public bodies from using government funds to challenge certain provincial laws related to Québec’s constitutional autonomy.
For English school boards, that proposal raises immediate concerns.
Over the past decade, English boards have repeatedly turned to the courts to defend their constitutional rights, particularly around governance and language policy. Several landmark decisions—including those related to school board structures and language legislation—have hinged on legal challenges brought forward by English-language institutions.
If publicly funded bodies are restricted from mounting those challenges, the question becomes clear: who can defend those rights when they are threatened?
What This Means for Schools
The discussion also zooms in on the day-to-day realities inside Québec’s English education system.
Section 23 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees minority-language communities not just access to schooling in their language, but also the right to manage and control those institutions. That principle has shaped the structure of English-language education across the country.
In Québec, English school boards continue to face practical challenges:
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Access to timely English-language resources
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Professional development and teacher training in English
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Policy clarity when provincial reforms are introduced
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Financial pressures linked to ongoing legal battles
Despite those challenges, English public schools continue to perform strongly, often matching or exceeding provincial averages and rivaling private-school outcomes.
For Ortona, that success underscores the importance of local governance and community-driven decision-making.
The Political Moment
Bill 1 also arrives during a politically charged period.
With provincial elections approaching and constitutional debates resurfacing, the legislation raises broader questions about Québec’s future within the Canadian federation. Historically, constitutional tensions have often intensified during moments of political transition.
Ortona notes that while constitutional debates are nothing new in Québec, the real test lies in whether political leaders can balance identity, autonomy, and rights without undermining the institutions that protect minority communities.
A Conversation Worth Having
At its core, the debate around Bill 1 touches on a familiar challenge in democratic societies: how to balance collective identity with individual and minority rights.
For educators, students, and families, these questions are not abstract. They shape the governance of schools, the language of instruction, and the legal protections that ensure communities can sustain their educational institutions.
The conversation between Chris Colley and Joe Ortona reminds us that constitutional debates are never just about law—they are about the lived realities of the communities those laws affect.
Listen to the full ShiftED Podcast episode to hear the complete conversation and explore what Bill 1 could mean for the future of English education in Québec.
Me Ortona is sush a important leader, lawyer, in those difficult times.
When the Rule of law is under attack, the Justice system, the Charter of rights at stake, it is a difficult role to go the other way, it takes a great amount of courage to stand firm and say no.
All the friction, all the hate, the desinformation, the populist campaing base on fear and lack of education about the history of the Quebec anglophones community. It is like we are back to the Duplessis era… and in a certain way, going on the dangerous path of the Nuremberg’s law… exclusion, lost of rights, discrimination, etc. it is so dangerous when you see history repeat it self by a lack of understanding of the consequences on people… on minorities…
Looking for the CSC earing at the end of the month. Also, i congratulate Me Ortona for the recent ruling by the Court of appeal, specialy if you look à the following foot note :
“[36] À titre d’exemple, les paragraphes suivants de la demande dans le dossier CMQ sont appuyés par la déclaration sous serment de la juge en chef Lucie Rondeau du 9 août 2022 :
16. Ainsi, les Dispositions Attaquées enfreignent le principe fondamental de l’indépendance judiciaire et, plus particulièrement, la garantie d’indépendance administrative dont doit jouir la Cour. Elles émanent par conséquent d’un exercice illégal et invalide du pouvoir dévolu aux législatures provinciales en vertu de l’article 92 (14) de la Loi constitutionnelle de 1867 (la « Constitution »).
[…]
225. Par voie législative, le Ministre s’est attribué les pouvoirs qui lui apparaissaient faire défaut sous l’ancien régime pour avoir une mainmise totale sur le processus de sélection et de nomination au point de faire abstraction des besoins de la Cour exprimés par la Juge en Chef et la Juge en Chef Adjointe et de la relation nécessaire entre la sélection et la nomination de nouveaux juges et les besoins de la Cour.
226. Cette mainmise constitue une mise en tutelle de la direction et de l’administration de la Cour et une violation de l’indépendance judiciaire institutionnelle.
227. Les Demandeurs soumettent que les Dispositions Attaquées contreviennent au principe de l’indépendance judiciaire, qu’elles constituent par le fait même une violation du pouvoir de la province sur l’administration de la justice en vertu de l’article 92 (14) de la Constitution et qu’elles doivent donc être déclarées invalides et inopérantes.
[…]
299. La protection de l’indépendance judiciaire requiert ainsi l’annulation des articles visés par le présent pourvoi et le retour à la Version antérieure du Règlement, laquelle a justement été créée pour sauvegarder l’indépendance judiciaire et assurer le respect des besoins de la Cour.”
With the provincial elections coming soon, I wish the the anglophone community will find peace, justice and security back again soon.
And I also wish, collectively, to all quebecers to be serve by politicians who have integrity, morals and empathy as their core values, and that are in it to serve the population, and not themselves and their personnal agenda. Maybe a Salva’s commission 2.0 would not be a bad idea after the election… to lift the vale and see who trowed a rock in the lake and then hide their hand while the CAQ regime vas in office… juste like they did with the corruption under the Union Nationale… we will see. 🙂 Keep on and thank you for your service Me Ortona.